US Congress without Ukraine’s old allies, but with new friends

by Valerii Maidaniuk
43 views

The US midterm elections brought Ukraine mixed results. Some of the politicians who for years championed military aid to Kyiv and a tough line on moscow are leaving Congress. At the same time, among the newly elected lawmakers there are others who also support Ukraine. But there is no guarantee that they can replace the old allies, or that their influence will be enough to keep Washington from easing pressure on the kremlin.

Ukraine’s old allies are leaving Congress

One of the most visible losses for the Ukrainian cause in the US legislature is the defeat of Republican Brian Fitzpatrick. He represented Pennsylvania’s 1st district for five terms and co-chaired the bipartisan Ukraine Caucus in the House of Representatives. Fitzpatrick not only backed US aid to Kyiv but was also among the Republicans who openly criticized Donald Trump’s approach to russia.

According to the Associated Press, with 96% of the votes counted in his district, the win went to Democrat Bob Harvey, known for his anti-corruption work, who received 52.7% of the vote. After the results were announced, the Republican congratulated his opponent and stressed that voters’ interests must come before partisan divisions.

Another Republican leaving the House is Don Bacon. He has repeatedly called for a tougher course on moscow, even when that position ran against the mood of some fellow Republicans and the party leadership. In an interview with Radio Liberty on November 3, Bacon called the russian invasion of Ukraine the most important crisis for the free world. He also expressed hope that the new Congress would be even more resolute in supporting Kyiv.

Among the lawmakers ending their time in the US legislature are former Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, Senators Thom Tillis, John Cornyn and Bill Cassidy, and Congressman Michael McCaul. At various times they supported military aid to Ukraine, pushed for tougher sanctions on russia and stressed the need to counter russian aggression.

Ukrainian journalist and media adviser to the Razom for Ukraine advocacy team Ostap Yarysh also listed among the Republicans who lost their races Congressmen Mike Lawler, Rob Bresnahan and Mike Carey, as well as Senators Susan Collins and Darlene Graham, the sister of influential Republican Senator Lindsey Graham.

The turnover is not limited to the Republican Party. Democrats leaving Congress include former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, former Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, Senators Jeanne Shaheen and Tina Smith, and Senator Gary Peters. Ukraine may feel the absence of Jeanne Shaheen in particular, as she played an important role in building bipartisan support for Kyiv.

Who will remain Ukraine’s voice in Washington

Despite the loss of several influential politicians, Ukraine is not disappearing from the new Congress’s agenda. Some of Kyiv’s supporters kept their seats, and among the newly elected lawmakers are politicians who have publicly condemned russian aggression and called for continued US aid.

One of the most important figures for Ukraine remains Democrat Marcy Kaptur. She won in Ohio’s 9th district with 52.7% of the vote against 47.3% for Republican Derek Merrin. Kaptur co-chairs the Ukraine Caucus in the House of Representatives. She was first elected to Congress in 1982, and in January she will begin her 23rd term. After Fitzpatrick’s defeat, Kaptur remains one of the most prominent figures in the pro-Ukrainian wing of the US legislature.

Kyiv-born Democrat Eugene Vindman also kept his seat. In Virginia’s 7th district he defeated Republican Douglas Ollivant with about 60% of the vote. After his victory, Vindman called serving in Congress the greatest honor of his life and thanked voters for their trust.

Several politicians who won Senate races have also voiced support for Ukraine. In Ohio, Democrat Sherrod Brown won; he was previously a member of the Senate Ukraine Caucus and advocated aid to Kyiv. In North Carolina, former Governor Roy Cooper won the Senate seat. Back in 2022 he announced that the state’s National Guard would transfer military equipment to Ukraine.

In Texas, Democrat James Talarico won; he supported continued US aid to Ukraine, a stronger NATO and deterring russian aggression. In Kansas, the winner was Adam Hamilton, who criticized any possible easing of pressure on moscow. In Iowa, Democrat Josh Turek, who condemned russian attacks on Ukraine, is heading to the Senate. In Georgia, Senator Jon Ossoff, who is also broadly supportive of Kyiv, was re-elected.

Jeanne Shaheen’s seat in New Hampshire will be taken by Democrat Chris Pappas. Not all of the changes can be considered positive for Ukraine, however. In Oklahoma, for example, Republican Kevin Hern won; he is skeptical about continuing US aid to Kyiv.

Will the new Congress be tougher on russia?

The overall result of the election points to a significant strengthening of the Democratic Party. Democrats may win a majority — about 255 seats in the House of Representatives and at least 51 seats in the Senate. This shifts the political balance in Washington and creates conditions for stronger congressional oversight of Donald Trump’s administration. But it is not enough for a two-thirds majority, which is needed to override a Trump veto.

For Ukraine, it matters that many Democrats support continued military aid and tougher sanctions on russia. The new Congress may press the White House harder for a tougher policy toward the kremlin. This includes new restrictions on the russian economy, oversight of how existing sanctions are enforced, and continued arms supplies to Ukraine.

However, a political majority alone does not guarantee that decisions will pass. Donald Trump’s presidential veto, the Republicans’ position and intra-party disagreements can significantly limit what Congress can do. Even if Democrats back more pressure on moscow, many initiatives will require compromise with the White House and other lawmakers.

At the same time, the departure of experienced Republicans who supported Ukraine despite the position of part of their own party creates a separate problem. Their role was not only to vote for aid. They could persuade colleagues, build cross-party coalitions and frame support for Ukraine as a matter of US national interest rather than purely partisan loyalty.

Ukraine will have to build new political ties

The midterms showed that support for Ukraine in the US remains, but its configuration is changing. Marcy Kaptur, Eugene Vindman and other supporters of Kyiv keep their positions, and the new senators may strengthen the pro-Ukrainian part of Congress. Yet the loss of politicians such as Fitzpatrick, McConnell and Bacon means losing some of the experience and political relationships that were built over years.

For Kyiv, this is a signal: it cannot rely only on familiar faces in Washington or treat support for Ukraine as a permanent feature of US policy. It needs to persuade new lawmakers, work with both parties, explain to American society the strategic importance of Ukraine’s victory, and show that countering russian aggression serves the interests of the United States itself.

The new Congress begins its work in January 2027, and it will then become clear whether campaign statements turn into concrete decisions. But the main question is not even how many of Ukraine’s supporters will hold seats in the legislature. What matters more is whether they can build a coalition influential enough for Washington to keep seeing russia’s war not as someone else’s problem, but as a challenge to its own security.

You may also like